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集团公司审查各设区市分(子)公司年度经营计划

2019-05-26 20:03 来源:中国网江苏

  集团公司审查各设区市分(子)公司年度经营计划

  ”这些重要要求不仅展现了我们党作为马克思主义执政党重视学习的优良传统,而且展现了以全党学习带动全民学习、以学习型政党建设引领学习型社会和学习大国建设的高瞻远瞩。早在成立之初,我们党就明确提出要组织编译出版一大批马列主义著作;即使在极其困难的革命年代,也都先后成立了专门的出版和编译机构;新中国成立后又成立了中央编译局,开始更大规模地、系统地、有计划地翻译马克思主义全部著作。

在这一伟大历史进程中,中国共产党人始终以奋斗的品格、昂扬的姿态,解答时代难题、回应人民关切。即便经过了100多年几代学者的深入研究,经典著作中仍然有许多科学的论断、观点和概念没有受到重视和充分研究,或者深藏在经典作家的手稿或笔记中而未被发现。

  应着眼建立一套发现错误防范风险的机制,对苗头性、倾向性问题早发现、早叫停、早纠正,绝不能让小问题积累成大错误,更不能让个别的局部的小差错,蔓延成全局性系统性的风险。各党支部和广大党员主动出击,率先行动,从小事做起,帮助群众、带领群众脱贫致富。

  我们党高度重视奋斗的方向选择。(作者:孔昌生,系中共河南省委常委、组织部部长)(责编:谢倩、闫妍)

某部党委书记由于备课教材联系实际不紧,先后两次被责令推倒重来。

  认真落实抓党建的主体责任。

  尤其是,基层党组织涉及企业、农村、机关、学校、科研院所、街道社区、社会组织等多个领域,点多、线长、面广,情况千差万别;体现党的领导全面性,又要求把每个领域、每条战线、每个环节的党建工作抓具体、抓深入、抓扎实,引导各类组织在党的领导下行动。“‘书记讲台’既可以成为提高各级党委及书记副书记能力的平台,也一定能成为教育激励全体党员的阵地。

  总局党组成员、副局长高建民、张宏森及中纪委驻中宣部纪检组有关负责同志出席会议。

  集中述职评议由省委组织部、省直机关工委、省国资委党委3家党建工作指导单位的分管领导、相关处室负责人,省管企业党建工作分管领导、党群和人力资源部门主要负责人共81人参加。经过几代翻译家近百年的不懈努力,我国已成为世界上翻译出版马克思主义经典著作最多、最全的国家,逐步形成了种类齐全、形式多样的经典著作版本体系。

    《通知》指出,健全完善鼓励激励、容错纠错、能上能下“三项机制”,是省委认真贯彻习近平总书记提出的“三个区分开来”要求和党的十九大精神,着眼建设“强富美高”新江苏全局而作出的一项重要决策,是贯彻落实《中共中央办公厅印发〈关于进一步激励广大干部新时代新担当新作为的意见〉的通知》,充分调动全省干部干事创业热情的具体举措。

  新时代赋予组织工作的任务更加艰巨、责任更加重大,作为组工干部要有新气象、新作为、新担当,就要念好“新”经、下足“新”功,紧紧扭住问题和创新两个关键,善于把握二者的辩证逻辑,牢固树立“创新是解决问题的重要手段、解决问题是创新的最终目的”的意识,围绕解决问题来创新,注重创新来解决工作难题,在发现问题中求创新、在分析问题中思创新、在解决问题中谋创新,用解决问题的思路激发创新活力,用解决问题的实践催生创新方法,用解决问题的效果检验创新能力,以创新的实效推动一个问题一个问题有效解决、推动一项工作一项工作真正落地、推动一个难关一个难关胜利攻克,这样的创新才是最有价值的创新,才是最有意义的创新,才是最有实效的创新,才是真正的创新。

  奋斗是对时代的辩证把握马克思主义唯物辩证法认为,世界的运动是绝对的,静止是相对的。加强基层组织建设,提升组织力,就是要树立一切工作到支部的鲜明导向。

  

  集团公司审查各设区市分(子)公司年度经营计划

 
责编:

First of May in France: electoral turmoil

深刻把握“重大时代课题”,是党肩负和完成新时代历史使命必须做好的功课,继续深入思考和回答好“重大时代课题”是夺取新时代中国特色社会主义伟大胜利的重要保证。


来源:凤凰国际智库

Cristina Font Haro  The author is a foreign policy analyst of Phoenix Global Affairs Unit

Clashes at a demonstration on 1st May in Paris

The celebration of May 1 in France has been agitated by the presidential elections scheduled for May 7. On one hand, French trade unions celebrated on May 1st divided on how to cope with the rise of Le Pen, since while the "reformists" explicitly called for Macron, the more leftists do not want to be associated with a socio-liberal program that has been criticized. On the other hand, the forces of the order faced groups of hooded people during the marches programmed for the day of the workers.

The General Confederation of Labour and Labour Force, even though expressing their rejection of Le Pen, have refused to solicit support for Macron, along with the lines of the radical left-wing candidate Jean-Luc Mélenchon. Their demonstration paraded between the Plaza of the Republic and the Plaza of the Nation in Paris. Mélenchon participated in the march as well. In totally, they gathered several tens of thousands of people across the country, whereas the French Confederation of Workers (CFDT, the country's first trade union) and the National Union of Autonomous Trade Union organized an event in the Plaza of Stalingrad, which was attended by several hundred people.  

Before the parades started in the Plaza of the Republic, activists from the Avaaz organization ( a global civil organization founded in January 2007) covered their faces with masks combining characters from the face of Marine Le Pen and her father, the founder of the National Front, Jean-Marie Le Pen. Their double aim was to show the direct link between both politicians, despite the fact that the extreme right-wing candidate has attempted to distance herself from her father, on the other hand, they seek Macron's vote as well.  Avaaz campaign manager, Aloys Ligault, insisted that "Marine Le Pen shares more than a surname with her father. Marine Le Pen conceals behind her smile the poison of an ideology of hate. For the Le Pen politicians, it is a family business to spread the division among the citizens. Hence, they only way to stop them is to vote on Sunday for Macron".

Moreover, François Baroin, the man who is expected to lead France's Republican Party during the parliamentary elections campaign (June 11th and 18th) said that he was ready to be a prime minister of cohabitation with presidential candidate Emmanuel Macron. Also, Socialist Party member Segolene Royal called on former presidential candidate Jean-Luc Mélenchon to ask his voters to support Macron in the May 7 runoff vote.

French society divided by political demands

The events of the past Monday only proved what it is commonly known, the results of the first electoral round on April 23, 2017, increased the instability in the already convulsed society, because they are in the midst of political change. After years of economic decline and shaken by a spate of terrorist attacks at home and elsewhere in Europe, many French voters are disenchanted with traditional political parties, dubious of the country's economic prospects, and uncertain of its role in Europe and the world.

Thereby, this election is important because it means a change in their political pillars, though where does this change come from? The French system was established after the outcome of the Second World War by President Charles de Gaulle. Its national strategy was built on three columns. The first was to develop a strong alliance with Germany, securing peace on the Continent. In fact, due to France and Germany have been two of the main protagonists in opposites blocks of the First and the Second World War in the European scenario, it was the maximum imperative so that the war did not strike Europe again. At that time, Germany was occupied and divided by the winner partners of the war (the United States, the USSR, United Kingdom and France), the United Kingdom was exhausted by its war efforts and the United States were injecting money to Europe through the Marshall Plan seeking its war reconstruction and adhesion to the capitalist bloc.  In this context, the European community was born.

France's second priority was to protect the independence of its foreign policy.  As the political realities of the Cold War congealed, President Charles de Gaulle wanted to secure the most leeway possible for Paris. Following the premise, France sought to forge its own relationship with Russia, build its own nuclear arsenal, and protect its interests in the Arab world and its former colonies.

Finally, France aimed to build a strong republic with a solid central power. For almost a century, fragile coalitions, weak executive power, and short-lived governments characterized the French parliamentary system. In 1958, as decolonization in Africa and Asia strained the French political system, de Gaulle pushed for reform, introducing a semi-presidential system in which strong presidents were elected for seven -year terms (the term was eventually reduced to the actual five years).  The resulting structure featured a two-round voting system whose main goals were to ensure that the president had robust democratic legitimacy and to prevent fringe political parties from attaining power.

Both political structure and main pillars shaped the French political arena till nowadays. However, due to different economic and politic reasons, it seems that it has come to an end. For over the past two decades, the French economy has been weakening. Average gross domestic product growth fell from 2.2 percent for the 1995-2004 period to just 0.7 percent for the 2005-2014 period, and unemployment has been above the EU average most years in the past decade. Even though the French bureaucratic machine still provides a quarter of all jobs, it could not stop the increase of unemployment. Besides that, their employment cost also increased as well as the taxes and public debt levels.

On the international context, France relation with Germany changed its bases too. Nowadays, instead of Paris being worried about the internal German division, France is worried about its own role in the EU and the German counterpart. Even if both countries are the core of the institution, without them it could easily fall into pieces; Germany is above France in political power, as the Eurozone crisis has made clear. On the other hand, their dissatisfaction with the functioning of the institution has let two different visions of how to solve the problem.

The malfunction of the labor market and the anguish of its international role led a growing number of people not to be satisfied with their situation and lose their faith in the republic's leader. In fact, French political cycles are becoming shorter. Socialist President François Mitterrand enjoyed two terms in office from 1981 to 1995, as did his conservative successor, Jacques Chirac, from 1995-2007. By contrast, center-right leader Nicolas Sarkozy served only one term from 2007 to 2012 as well as his counterpart center-left President, François Hollande. On the other hand, citizens both right-wing and left-wing ideologies believe that the globalization is the cause of the French detriment. That is how all these elements of dissatisfaction mixed up with the French electoral system gave, as a result, the appearance of outsiders such as Macron or Le Pen in this presidential election.

As well as the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada or Australia, France is a democracy with majority system, which favors the hegemony of two main parties in parliament and the control of the government by a single party; the Socialist Party and the Republican Party. The defenders of this system state that it helps to the governability of the State to the detriment of pluralism. On the other hand, the retractors emphasize that it is governed according to the will of the majority of the representatives and not of the electors, reason why it makes them the government of a minority. In the last instance, this could cause that the political options do not correspond in its totality with the social demands, which are either neglected or ignored.

Moreover, this majority system induces a strategic vote of the voters as well as it can generate apathy from social strata that do not find a suitable party to offer their support. Indeed, the double-round electoral system can manifest the second or subsequent preferences of voters. While in the first round, they can express freely their first political preference, in the runoff, voters transfer their vote to another party, because in this new context their preferences already changed. Knowing what has happened in the first round and having knowledge of collective behavior, it is probable that in the runoff the voter makes a strategic vote. In case their first option party has not passed to the second round, then most probably their vote will benefit the less bad option. In other words, voters try to have their ideological opponent not elected. That is why, on Monday some of the French labor unions were seeking the vote for Macron after Jean-Luc Melechon did not pass the first round.

After May 7, how could it look like the future of France?

Centrist Emmanuel Macron and populist Marine Le Pen have qualified for the runoff vote on May 7. They defeated the other two possible candidates, the conservative François Fillon and left-wing Jean-Luc Mélenchon in one of the most implausible presidential elections in modern French history. In case they become elected, both Macron and Le Pen already have in mind how the French future would look like. While Le Pen has promised a policy of “intelligent protectionism”, taxing certain foreign imports to shield domestic industries from competition, to close France’s borders, reduce immigration, return to the franc (French currency before the establishment of the common European currency) and hold a referendum on France’s membership in the EU. On the contrary, Macron’s promises move in the opposite direction. He promised to cut public spending by some 60 billion euros and invest around 50 billion euros in policies to modernize the French economy as well as to reform France’s labor legislation and further deregulate certain sectors of the French economy.

Nevertheless, we should not forget that France has a semi-presidential system, that is the executive power is shared by the President and the First Minister, who will be elected by the parliament (National Assembly) on June 11 and 18 of this year. Hence, the President will need the support from the National Assembly to make good on electoral promises, especially for those that seek the end of their membership in the EU. In fact, for holding such a referendum, the French constitution have to be reformed beforehand. Thereby, …

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